Given a choice between trusting Hongkongers or threatening them, the Lam administration is always more comfortable with the latter option. This fundamental disdain for the people and intense politicization of the pandemic lurks at the heart of Hong Kong’s miserable failure to implement a successful Covid vaccination policy.

As matters stand a singularly unimpressive 16 per cent of the population have been fully vaccinated, with just over 21 per cent had received a first dose. This compares with Singapore where 31 per cent of the population are fully vaccinated.

According to a recent survey by the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the government’s distrust of the people is mirrored by popular distrust of the government and helps explain why only a quarter of those questioned plan to join the vaccination program in the next six months.

Most respondents said that the main reason for their reluctance was fear of severe reactions to injections, a fear exacerbated by a failure to provide proper and intelligible information, bolstered by a new plan to reduce information over injection side effect by reducing the frequency of reports of fatalities and other problems that have affected people after being vaccinated, whether or not they are actually caused by the injections.

Secondly, the survey reflected a general lack of distrust in the government producing an inclination to be wary of anything officials say.

Instead of dealing with the public’s concern the Lam administration appears to believe that people can be bullied into being vaccinated by threatening them with travel bans and denial of entry to so-called ‘high-risk’ public venues.

And, to add insult to injury, officials airily dismiss real concerns over vaccination effects and think these can be ignored as long as recalcitrant members of the public are given off days off work, lucky draws and a variety of giveaways.

Common sense incentives for vaccination, such as ending quarantine for those who have been vaccinated, have been ignored not because they do not work but because politics has dictated the government’s choice of preferred vaccines.

As part of the mission by the Chief Executive in Name Only (CENO’s) to brandish her patriotic credentials, Carrie Lam has been hell bent on promoting use of the Mainland-produced Sinovac vaccination.

Despite promises throughout this year that Sinovac would be passing its third stage trials and securing endorsement from the World Health Organization (WHO), this only happened last week, in other words months after the vaccination program was launched both in Hong Kong and the Mainland. Even with this belated endorsement the facts of the matter are that with an efficacy rate of some 50 per cent Sinovac is rated as the least effective of the vaccines endorsed by the WHO.

Because Sinovac offers such a low level of protection there are fears that those who have received this inoculation will not have sufficient protection to prevent transmission. The experts who gave the go-ahead for Sinovac are aware of this problem but will not say anything in public and may indeed need to be quarantined even after getting the jabs. This problem does not apply to recipients of the German-made BioNTech jab. But the government’s house-trained experts are reluctant to discuss this.

Nevertheless the news has percolated through and resulted in a majority of people opting for BioNTech. Not only is its efficacy above 90 per cent but it has proved to be effective against newly identified Covid variants. This must be disappointing to officials who think that proclaiming their loyalty to the Motherland is far more important than medical considerations.

This disappointment might well also be connected with almost unbelievable attempts to undermine confidence in BioNTech by stopping distribution of the vaccine for almost two weeks in response to some problem with the bottle tops. This was a very minor issue that could have been quickly resolved, so why was this not done?

In the latest blow to the integrity of the vaccination program the government has decided to issue quarantine exemptions to high level finance sector executives who are entering Hong Kong. There is not a shred of evidence that these executives are any more or less likely to spread the disease but a government that is not accountable to the people as a whole, tends to pay a great deal of attention to the wealthy and well connected and will put their interests ahead of those of ordinary people.

However it is the ordinary people who need to be part of the vaccination program if it is to have any chance of success. Confidence in the government’s claims that it is basing its battle against Covid on science is hardly likely to be enhanced by learning that science has been thrown out of the window to cater for the needs of the rich and well connected

So, if the CENO seriously wants to know why the vaccination program has been such a miserable failure, she needs only look in the mirror.

(Stephen Vines is a Hong Kong-based journalist, writer and broadcaster and runs companies in the food sector. He was the founding editor of ‘Eastern Express’ and founding publisher of ‘Spike’. In London he was an editor at The Observer and in Asia has worked for international publications including, the Guardian, Daily Telegraph, BBC, Asia Times and The Independent and, during Hong Kong’s 2019/20 protests, for the Sunday Times. He hosts a weekly television current affairs programme: The Pulse”

Vines’ latest book Defying the Dragon – Hong Kong and the world’s largest dictatorship, was published earlier this year by Hurst Publishing. He is the author of several books, including: Hong Kong: China’s New Colony, The Years of Living Dangerously - Asia from Crisis to the New Millennium, Market Panic and Food Gurus.)

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港蘋國際-

Threatening Hongkongers will not make them get vaccinated｜Stephen Vines

Writing recently in China Daily, the Communist Party’s English language outlet, Stephen Philips, the director-general of Investment Promotion at Invest Hong Kong, had this upbeat message:

“Hong Kong’s fundamentals as a premier international business hub are very sound and this is borne out by global investors’ continued confidence in the city. Opportunities abound too. Hong Kong is very much open for business, and investors from around the world are raring to go.”

Mr Philips is well paid to spout this kind of nonsense and is clearly not inclined to listen to what international business organizations are actually saying. More worryingly it is possible that no one has told him just how hard his paymasters are working to undermine the fundamentals he writes of in such glowing terms. 

Things have got worse as the government steps up efforts to deliver body blows to the credibility of Hong Kong as “a premier international business hub”.

Businesses traditionally came to Hong Kong to set up global and regional headquarters because they had confidence in the rule of law and the provision of first class legal services, alongside other key supporting services such as accountancy. They liked the fact that business could be conducted in a secure atmosphere with a reasonable degree of transparency. They liked the free access to information and a regime that actively encouraged freedom of movement.

Now these underpinnings of business confidence are being shattered, one by one. It is hard to know where to start in detailing the carnage but let’s consider what has been proposed in the space of a single week, last week as it happens. 

Unsatisfied with introducing the National Security Law, which departs significantly from Hong Kong’s common law system, allowing the executive to appoint judges, abolishing the right to trial by jury and allowing for extradition to the Mainland, etc., the government is now proposing to undermine the status of the legal profession by overriding the Bar Association, which has jurisdiction over the appointment of senior counsels. The Justice Secretary wants to give herself the right to appoint lawyers employed by her own Legal Department to join the ranks of barristers to become senior counsels, replacing the system where they have been selected by their peers on the basis of experience and good standing.

More or less at the same time the government came up with a plan to strip the accountancy profession of the right to govern its own affairs by taking away powers to supervise the appointment of auditors and being responsible for their conduct. Instead, these powers would be transferred to the government.

Therefore, in the crucial areas of legal and accountancy services, the independence and integrity of the professions is destined to be overtaken by political interference from the state. 

This forms part of the Communist Party’s overall plan to ensure that there is no such thing as separation of powers in Hong Kong. Moreover, it is punishment for the Bar Association which has the temerity to stand up for rule of law and is a shot across the bows for the generally conservative accountancy profession that had the temerity to elect pro-democracy members to the governing body of the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants. Meanwhile the government is busy dreaming up ways of reducing the transparency of companies registered in Hong Kong by removing the home addresses and identification card numbers of owners and directors, both of which help to verify identification when due diligence is undertaken on company information.

The fact that the official databases have been used to track the wealth shovelled into Hong Kong by families of senior Mainland leaders and, more recently, was used to identify thugs responsible for the infamous attack at Yuen Long station, explains why the non-existent problem of so-called doxing arising from these databases has suddenly become an issue.

Transparency matters to the business world and Hong Kong is defiantly standing against a global trend to ramp up transparency. Decision makers in companies thinking of locating in Hong Kong will draw their own conclusions as to why the SAR is choosing to travel in another direction.

Meanwhile the frontal attack on freedom of expression goes on unabated and puts into question the continued ability of Hong Kong to provide an open space for the conduct of business where unfettered access to information is a must. And a new immigration law will soon come into force curbing freedom of movement that is allegedly protected in Hong Kong under Article 31 of the Basic Law.

The dunderheads who declared that the freezing of assets of political opponents and, in the case of Jimmy Lai, his removal from participation in the companies he founded, would have no impact on business as a whole, have seriously underestimated the Communist Party’s desire for control at all costs. 

They simply do not understand that the hammer blows initially directed against political opponents inevitably find other targets with alarming speed. And the apologists for authoritarian government have not even contemplated the willingness of Hong Kong’s leading Quislings to collaborate in this frenzy of destructive behavior.

Stephen Vines’s article can be found in our <a href="https://en.appledaily.com/columnists" target="_blank">Columnist </a>section.

Hong Kong, like Rome, cannot be destroyed in a day but the government is doing its wrecking best｜Stephen Vines

父母離婚分居的那個下午，她放學返家，走到廚房窗下，聞着熟悉的味道，有點恍惚。進門換上拖鞋，母親在裏間揚聲：「可以吃飯了。」彷彿什麼也沒發生，家裏規矩吃飯是不說話的，她細嚼慢嚥，偷偷觀察母親的臉，什麼也看不見。飯畢，母親囑咐：「最近要考試，心收收，別再看漫畫，和同學煲電話了。」

她乖乖做功課，並沒有同學要和她煲電話，但漫畫是要割愛了。父親就這樣消失了，沒人提到他，也沒人問。轉眼就到了大學，她住校，但生活依然波瀾不興。同學們風風火火地戀愛，她閒暇都回家陪母親煲劇。母親時有金句：「男人到最後都一樣，不值得費心，太傻。」她想起飛蛾撲火的女同學們，還真是。

中學聚會有個舊同學要了她的電話，有時會坐很遠的車來找她玩。她沒有太大感覺，總覺得是在扮過家家。這男子身量不高，性格圓潤，什麼都是平均值。是他嗎？她有點不甘心，把頭埋進耽美小說，那裏的男子每個都卓爾不群。是他也沒什麼不好，走着看吧。

轉眼就畢業，她考取一家中學的職位，做圖書館老師。這學校生源不好，學生放學都去拍拖，圖書館閒閒不見人。她也不急，學生時代的漫畫書現在撿起來，慢慢又喜歡網路文學中偏言情的那些文。舊同學工作忙，慢慢也冷了，她是有些失望的，但也沒事。學校亦有幾個新來的男同事，其中一個尤其英俊，像漫畫書中走來的。但他好像同時和好幾個女同事曖昧，她不動聲色。男人是老手，馬上破譯她的種種暗示，熱絡起來。

一晚收工，兩人約在一家老上海餐館。她是上海人，很受用這種細節的貼心。話難得多，她講東講西，驚訝自己盡有這麼多可以講。男人笑着望住她，誇讚她人靚又有趣。她面紅了，這是人生第一次。甜點是酒釀圓子，酸酸甜甜，很對味。

電郵：<a href="mailto:allisoninheidelberg@gmail.com" target="_blank">allisoninheidelberg@gmail.com</a>

港蘋果籽-

獨（上） - 楊靜

近日，海外有人又重提六四失敗的原因，說是學生不知進退，沒有見好就收。這種論調貌似高明，其實是糊塗，甚至是在為中共的鎮壓開脫。

中共有給過學生們什麼樣的「好」嗎？學生代表與李鵬會談，李鵬是什麼嘴臉？大學生跪到中南海門口，高舉請願書，有沒有人理睬？北京百萬人大遊行，政府有沒有絲毫回應？

根據大陸著名律師張思之的回憶錄《行者思之》，六四前的五月十四日，他在武漢，湖北人大常委會副主任馬良已私下告訴他，說鄧小平正在武漢召開最高軍事會議，商量對付學潮。鄧小平見慣大世面，處變不驚，一早就明白，學潮沒有重手鎮壓下去，往後中國的局勢將不可收拾，治亂世用重典，這是中國傳統帝王術。

學生們「見好就收」，大家解散回學校，各地來的學生也回老家，那會怎麼樣？北京當然就平靜了，但人民的要求在地方上遍地開花，烽火四起，鄧小平會這麼蠢嗎？

坦克車開到天安門，槍聲如炒豆，街頭橫屍，這樣凶殘的畫面才可以震懾十億中國人，所以才有「殺二十萬人，爭取二十年穩定」的說法——學生們撤不撤，血都是要流的。

見好就收，趙紫陽們會有好日子過嗎？從中央到地方一輪整肅，改革派一樣兵敗如山倒。

學生們解散，會有什麼「好」？他們回到學校，等共產黨騰出手來，還不是一個個要遭遇徹底清算？政治要求全部落空，最終得到的只是沒頂之災，槍斃、坐牢、開除，一輩子受苦，中共鎮壓民眾反抗有大把手段。

在廣場上，學生們的激情和自由的天性得到充份抒發，體現了中國人的家國情懷、思想覺醒和精神素養。他們在廣場上讀書辯論，唱歌跳舞，舉行婚禮，中國土地上從來沒有那樣激情澎湃和正氣動天。

學生們赤手空拳，學生們輸了，但他們佔據了歷史的道德高地；共產黨有坦克，共產黨贏了，但共產黨成了歷史罪人。

見好就收？ - 顏純鈎

狂抽派估計，今次是最後一次，冇附帶條件自抽，下一水，恐怕會有抽股「附件三」，辣招可能是咁的：

一，打咗國產針先可以抽。二，抽前宣誓擁護国安法。三，證明自己過去現在都冇睇過、冇拍過「禁片」。四，「大日子」時沒有着黑衫出街。五，抽中咗要交出鎖在保險箱的BNO。六，無做過任何種類的XX師。七，就算係屋企廁所關埋門都冇講過三萬thx。八，唔認同元朗大棠個大屎坑與721元朗白衫有關。九，抽中咗要簽同意書，選立法會一定不會投白票。投白必須付出代價，嘔返七倍的iBond出來。十，無論邊位當選特首，抽到超過一手iBond的市民要公開表忠，ABC，靠大邊。十一，iBond在手明益你，必須應承六四33、六四34…直至六四58的2047年，如果鬥長命贏咗，絕不會去維園燭光悼念。十二，既然有閒錢抽iBond，若然政府再開倉，唔使預呢71萬7千，慳返！十三，反躺平！十四，堅決撐習大大的「共同富裕」！

iBond附件三 - 陳也

一聽「淫賊」二字，常練心知必是採花風流債，有人仗義為姊妹報仇。

雖是採花賊，常練亦自詡好漢，「好漢不吃眼前虧」，何況這女的勇猛，刀法也高明，目下什麼都說不清。常練施展獨門輕功，跳起來穿破屋頂，撒腿飛奔，女的緊握鋼刀窮追不捨；看來必然立地正法為民除害。

一男一女，在月黑風高寂寥夜晚，竟展開了鍥而不捨的生死追逐，一直跑，一直追，都不是省油的燈，如此這般，奔波數十里。

兩個人體力漸漸耗盡，不支倒地……

未幾常練先行蘇醒，那女的還半昏迷，手中鋼刀仍緊握不放，心志甚決。

常練尚未恢復體能，只運盡全力舉起他的命根子寶刀，朝女方劈去，以結束這「生死戰」——可是晨光熹微中，他的刀凝在半空，斬不下去：女的實在太美，身手不凡也是一塊好材料，殺了豈非糟蹋？

心想：「自己是好色淫亂在前，怎麼說也理虧——除去這一道，亦俠士一名，應秉公義解決。」

要殺的是清狗，不是漢人同胞。

常練扔下寶刀，找到一條小溪，捧水回來餵喝救醒女子，還待在一旁守候，直至她回復意識，也回復怒氣——不，她坐定後，發現全身無異，冷觀此男，甚為俊朗，忽成正人君子？並無風流自恃？說來奇怪，她對他產生另一種感覺：「他該下手殺我卻沒下手，手下留情，難道是天意？」

凌雲雲沒想到，她不但成為他的妻子，還治好他拈花惹草的毛病，洗心革面，死心塌地愛上他「千里追殺」的敵人，還生下一個白胖兒子——更沒想到的，這孩子竟是他的剋星！（明續）

妒魔（九） - 李碧華

昨天談到的古希臘犬儒派哲人第歐根尼，除了出名苦行，就是出名串嘴。最為人津津樂道的例子，是他有次曬太陽時，亞歷山大大帝來訪，問哲人有何願望，第歐根尼只淡淡回應一句：「唔該借歪少少，咪擋住個太陽。」（mikron apo tou heliou metastethi，原語見普魯塔克〈亞歷山大傳〉）

第歐根尼的事跡見於拉爾修（Diogenes Laertius）《哲人言行錄》，十居其九是他口沒遮攔嘲諷別人的語錄，盡顯其輕狂憤世。看見沒天分的箭手，第歐根尼會故意坐在箭靶旁邊說：「那就不會中箭。」真係好mean。在他眼中，同代哲學大師柏拉圖只是吹水混飯吃之輩，有次他在柏拉圖的家踩着褥墊說：「我正踐踏柏拉圖的虛榮。」（pato ton Platonos tuphon）柏拉圖的回應也不弱：「第歐根尼，你這樣只是另一種虛榮。」

第歐根尼年輕時，曾因偽造錢幣而被放逐。這段黑歷史應該給他留下難以磨滅的心理創傷，以致他後來三觀崩壞，變得極端憤世嫉俗，說是自衛機制作祟也很合理。《哲人言行錄》記有第歐根尼一則軼事，似乎甚少人留意。被逐出家鄉後，第歐根尼有天看見一隻老鼠四處跑，牠既非找地方睡，亦非逃避黑暗，或追求享樂。他頓悟：人也可像鼠一樣自由自在，適應各種環境。之後他就無視禮法，拋開俗念，過着老鼠般的人生。犬儒，由是亦可稱「鼠儒」。

看了這個故事，我想起中國一個歷史人物。《史記》載李斯年輕時在楚當小吏，看到廁所老鼠吃髒東西，每逢人狗走近，都驚恐萬分，而糧倉老鼠則吃屯積的粟米，住大屋，無人狗之擾，於是悟出一套人生哲學：「人之賢不肖譬如鼠矣，在所自處耳！」即是說：你選擇的環境如何，你的日子亦必如何。之後他發憤圖強，學帝王術，學成更馬上投秦，助秦王一統天下。

同是向老鼠學習，第歐根尼學到無慾無求、放浪形骸，自甘以木桶為家，李斯卻學到不擇手段爭名逐利，說「詬莫大於卑賤，而悲莫甚於窮困」，老鼠哲學真博大精深！假如李斯當年看見老鼠，變了另一個第歐根尼，那麼秦始皇的命運，以至於中國的歷史，統統都可能改寫了。「一切無非偶然」，這是老鼠教曉我的道理。

老鼠的人生哲學 - 馮睎乾 

中國一個小粉紅，5年前以交換生身份到台灣讀書，自此改變命運。

他說他20歲前從未離開過中國，去台灣的目的只是想看看其他地方是甚麼樣子的，其他地方的人是怎麼生活的，沒有任何政治動機。他在中國出生、長大、接受教育，「中國台灣」已經成為一個固定概念，在他腦袋中根深柢固。

到了台灣之後，用他自己的話說，他完全懵了，原來台灣人可以上街遊行，台灣人可以痛罵馬英九，痛罵蔡英文，台灣人可以對自己的總統直呼其名，人民還可以罷免巿長。這完全顛覆了他的想像，他震驚得無以復加，怎麼會這樣呢？台灣不是中國的一個省嗎？跟中國的其他省分並沒有區別吧？為甚麼台灣人擁有那麼多自由，可以做那麼多中國人不能做的事？他第一次反思，為甚麼一個強國，反而做不到台灣可以做的事？就連說都不准人說？

結束交換生身份，回到中國之後，他意識到他已經不再是以前的那個自己，台灣改變了他，他不再是小粉紅，不再是「沉睡的大多數」，不再是過去20年那個被設定的人。他不再甘心像以前那樣生活，他開始翻墻，開始關心政治。他有興趣了解香港人在做甚麼，香港發生了甚麼事情。他不再滿足於在一個地方只能聽到一種聲音，六月四號，他把他了解的另外的消息放上網絡。六天後，十幾個人衝進他的家，把他抓走。

「我痛恨台灣！」（上） - 高慧然

電郵：<a href="mailto:kitman@kitdastudio.com" target="_blank">kitman@kitdastudio.com</a>

未竟之志 - Kitman

不止英國電視劇亨利八世的皇后已經起用黑人女演員，年前開始有網民熱議，占士邦是不是也要打破種族主義和性別主義「成見」，改用黑人女演員。

在喧嘩的左翼口水論述之中，沒有道德這回事，最終是金錢和市場計算。

拍一部英國歷史宮闈電視劇，與占士邦相比，成本低許多。只需要在倫敦片場搭幾個宮廷布景（其實早就搭好多年，用過許多次）；英國的皇宮古蹟遍地，最大的支出是明星和服裝。所以英國人可以冒險做一次實驗，看看票房，反正影視觀眾都是年輕人，試一部政治正確產品，看看年輕人的大腦左到什麼程度。若第一步虧大本，再左膠的監製和導演，也不敢再胡搞。

但是拍占士邦的成本一億美元，要全球五洲四海的大量外景，飛車加爆炸，秘密武器加IT，口水對白少，特技動作多，主角不再是那個白種男性霸權的皇家特務，而是另一大堆「技藝和噱頭」stunts and gadgets。銀行要介入，會計師天天要報帳，拍大製作，不許亂來，這下子，戲院是戲院，大學社會科學的課室是課室，一個錢字分隔其間，絕對不准混淆。

影藝創作，商品第一。沒有人想拍一齣大片出來，引起沒完沒了的政治爭議。譬如：若一個家庭，年輕的小女兒叫她父親看黑人版的安寶琳，父親拒絕觀看，說不符合史實。小女兒控訴父親是一名種族主義者，並發現他二十年前曾經任職皇家空軍，在貝理雅時代入侵過伊拉克，因為伊拉克領袖侯賽因鼻子藏有大量殺傷性武器。小女兒在學校和社交媒體繼續控訴，受到老師嘉許，成為小網紅。

當然，種族的Crossover，在影視作品中，早有成功的先例。白人彼得斯拉飾演中國的傅滿洲，還有一部「北京的五十五天」，純粹以西方角度記述八國聯軍與北京拳亂的歷史，片中的西太后和一干滿洲大臣，全部用白人演員。今日回頭看，創意清奇，在西班牙搭出一個舊北京的前門佈景，有城樓、街道、茶館，一切參照舊北京城市歷史圖片，美工精細，娛樂性豐富，亦可當做笑片。這就是文化多元。

用黑人女演員做占士邦？第一步我會先當做笑片看。占士邦的電影觀眾一定是男性主義者，所以起用一個漂亮性感的黑人女明星，大家先看床上戲身材。若將片中的奸角集團影射為東方某强國，配合國際關係的今日潮流，則又多兩分吸引力。若特技效果甚佳，又加三分。所以，占士邦膚色性別大改革， Why not ? 我沒有偏見。你呢？

黑妹演007 - 陶傑

校友馬主C隻「中華威威」，每次出場，左丁山都買WP，輸咗幾次之後，卒之在6月9日力拼之下贏馬，賠率有十倍，左丁山一次過贏番晒以前嘅投注，真係要多謝騎師田泰安，佢騎到隻馬拼盡最後一分力，擊退跑第二嘅「管得掂」，騎功實在非常出色。呢次「中華威威」連食奶力都出埋，馬主C不如同練馬師徐雨石商量，送隻馬上從化休息兩個月先，下季至出賽。

做馬主會嚐盡酸甜苦辣，馬主C今勻贏馬故然值得高興，但佢另一隻團體馬上次贏出之後不久，就因傷退役，成班團友冇晒表情；然後另一匹團體馬二月到港，操極唔起，三次試閘都包尾，前景如何？唔敢講。另外，大名人天王郭富城隻「舞士精神」，不久前輕易取勝，睇落應該有排贏，點知突然間在6月11日絞腸痧暴斃，令馬迷大吃一驚：養馬就是這樣的，無論大富豪或小馬主，買到一匹美麗傳承或金鎗六十，贏馬獎金可以過億，真係幾生修到。（按：金鎗六十仲未贏夠一億獎金，不過如果無驚無險，下季可以達標）

呢日飲茶，與馬友及馬主吹水，講做馬主的苦與樂，馬友話除咗跑馬必到馬場之外，佢最鍾意租艇出海釣魚，有時釣到一條大石斑，就高興到不得了，釣魚亦見到不少趣事，例如在大嶼山租艇出海，會遇到一啲「大飛」，艇家話佢地不時在太陽未見嘅清晨就出海，希望執到寶，執乜嘢呢？嗱！有成箱成箱澳洲龍蝦、澳洲和牛（真空包裝，唔怕水浸，當然亦會有受到海水浸過，破壞嘅）。此物何來，就是「大飛」漏夜走私，運送食物去中國大陸海域交收，遇到水警追截，「大飛」上就有人拋擲私貨落海，趕緊逃走入中國海域。於是熟悉情況嘅艇家就會久唔久執到寶，用來自己食或轉售其他漁民。左丁山於是問：「最近澳洲龍蝦價錢升番晒，是否與『大飛』有關呢？」馬友話：「此則任你估，中國海關執法係幾完善嘅！」當日聽完，以為馬友吹水，有啲過龍，誰知6月11日就有新聞報導，香港海關偵破歷來最大宗快艇走私案，在流浮山岸邊有人搬名牌貨品包及瀕危動植物上船添，快艇成員見到海關人員，立即棄貨逃走，開艇高速駛向內地海域，走甩咗。

睇嚟馬友在大嶼山租艇出海聽番嚟嘅故事，真實性極高，「大飛」生意窿路不絕，唔怪得馬友話久唔久就在大嶼山食到靚嘢！

海上執龍蝦 - 左丁山

雲南十五頭野生亞洲象離開了家鄉西雙版納，一路遷徙，走了五百多公里，到了昆明地界。

野生大象的遷徙行動引起各方注意，動物保護部門日日夜夜追蹤，媒體天天報道，成了一時熱話。由於亞洲野象屬保護動物，沿途沒人敢驚動牠們，所到之處，唯有先發預警，叫人小心防備。全國都在熱議這件事，大象家族的行蹤和棲息情況都在網上出現，許多人都覺得特別溫馨可愛，大象成了網紅，但很少人去問為什麼這群野象會背井離鄉，遷徙他方。

答案是因為在大象的家鄉，牠們活不下去。因為從空中看西雙版納，森林一片翠綠，樹木茂盛。但這些大樹下的灌木雜草，都因為農民為了種植「經濟植物」如砂仁、橡膠樹而被拔光。砂仁是一種被人吹得天花亂墜的草藥，據說吃了有神效，幾乎可治百病，所以越賣越貴，農民在森林裏拔草斬木，平地種植。至於橡膠樹，更是能種的地方都種滿。種此類植物，必須排除異己，於是森林看起來很茂盛，但植物種類單一，大量植被遭破壞，本來的熱帶森林，實際上變了「綠色沙漠」。野生大象不吃草藥，不啃橡膠樹，口糧沒有了，活不下去，唯有背井離鄉，遠涉他方。這就是網民看到一群野象拖兒帶女「溫馨旅行」背後的故事。

離家出走的大象 - 李純恩

新香港今年大舉「完善」選舉制度，從此市長、立法會以至區議會候選人，盡為中共屬意者。但制度雖已「完善」，猶未盡善也。

且說香港刁民日多，近年頗有些大廈業主造反，危害國安。最明顯的，是西營盤均益大廈，其業主法團由愛黨人物把持了二十三年，到二零一八年，大廈刁民竟藉法團選舉制度漏洞，合力取而代之；今年五月再接再厲，投票阻其捲土重來。均益大廈比鄰中共駐港辦公室，那些刁民分明是有心捋虎鬚。

又如杏花邨，其愛黨法團在位三十年了，到二零一九年，邨內刁民也是藉選舉制度漏洞，一舉將之推翻；今年三月，愛黨集團雖有邨外紅色資本公司相助拉票，更有大漢到投票場所痛詆其對手「欠人錢，看色情電影」，還是不能贏得選舉。此外，屯門澤豐花園、小西灣富景花園、將軍澳寶盈花園等等，都有刁頑業主生事，要奪業主法團之權。此風一長，則中共人大副委員長王晨所謂「香港特色的選舉制度」將如何生根茁壯？

不塞不流，不止不行。新香港政府必須導之以峻法，齊之以嚴刑，令選舉委員會兼管區議會以下各式選舉，由業主法團以至幼稚園班長選舉，都非愛黨者不得參選。苟如是，則國家安全庶幾可保，香港幸甚，天下幸甚。

心所謂危，敢不以告 - 古德明

看《浪跡天地》想起張愛玲，倒不是因為她曾經結結實實當過一輪遊牧民族，在羅省汽車旅館和小昆蟲玩捉迷藏，而是因為那堆插科打諢的塑膠馬桶。拿衛生問題做文章，趙婷只去到捕捉三屆影后出恭的層次，真是小兒科，級數充其量等於陳年粵語諧趣歌曲《詐肚痛》，美國演藝學院竟然就雙手奉上最佳影片金像獎，未免太慷慨了。行得快好世界，趙女士少小離家落戶美國，當然可喜可賀，但沒有隨身攜帶優秀的文化根，畢竟令人遺憾——同樣揚威荷里活，前輩李安便更抵得諗，時而闖蕩西部牛仔世界，時而帶你遨遊胡士托，卻不忘母語書房的原始養料，將學貫中西串連到底。假如趙婷也翻翻張愛玲，見識過《異鄉記》那兩段驚心動魄的如廁描寫，或者能夠更上層樓亦未可知。

張女士下鄉投宿民居，「請女傭帶我到解手的地方，原來就在樓梯底下一個陰暗的角落裏，放着一隻高腳馬桶。我伸手鉗起那黑膩膩的木蓋，勉強使自己坐下去，正好面對着廚房，全然沒有一點掩護。風颼颼的，此地就是過道，人來人往，我也不確定是不是應當對他們點頭微笑。」哈哈哈，有聲有色亦莊亦諧，厲害了我的祖師奶奶，《紅玫瑰與白玫瑰》寫上海太太便秘，丈夫瞥見洗手間這一幕：「燈下的烟鸝也是本色的淡黃色。當然歷代的美女畫從來沒有採取這樣尷尬的題材——她提着袴子，彎着腰，正要站起身⋯若是在美國，也許可以做很好的草紙廣告⋯」一山還比一山高啊，美國草紙廣告拚上文壇健筆在中國杭州的現場直擊報導，簡直小巫見大巫。

美人如廁面面觀 - 邁克

《家有囍事》李香琴經典對白：「世界末日啦，慘無人道啊。」所謂何事？停電，看似痴呆，不管家事兩老人家，首次起義，只為一件小事，沒得看電視。

國安法植入《電檢條例》，如果只為針對特定幾部紀錄片，以及《十年》等等等等，就像殺一隻蜚蠊，噴了滿屋殺蟲水，蜚蠊未死，家人首先受害。要禁絕《十年》與《理大圍城》，現有國安法不碰電影，早有大把理由與手段可用。這主意若是主子下令卒仔執行，無話可說，若皇上沒說，太監自行秉筆代書，又是另一齣廢柴效忠敗筆之作。

動刀動到與政治不一定有關一瓣，必定引起更大反彈。抓光了什麼亂港十大寇、反政府一百大，從專權角度看，符合團結大多數，打擊一小撮方針。打政治防疫針，打擊到吃飽飯，就是娛樂一群，是吃飽飯沒事做的笨蛋所為。

電影聲色光影中，離不開時代背影，即使抽離到只談風月，在處處地雷中談一段純純的戀愛，不怕編劇頭痛，只怕審查員為免惹事上身，寧枉無縱；以前不做不錯，現在多做沒錯。我是金主，也不願意冒險投資，無端打死香港電影，沒時間看電影的高官不在乎，就算港人也不看港產片好了，外國電影根據這條例，要過這關卡比本土電影更難。

電檢員不會笨到覺得金剛與哥斯拉踩爛香港地標，與國安有關，但疑神疑鬼之下，鬼片喪屍片也含反喪心病狂政制隱喻——如果觀眾有心解讀。而目前最無形陷阱是「對觀眾構成影響」。

如果捧這塊石頭砸正眼中釘也罷了，可惜，除非，連網路都要經過電檢，除非Netflix也跪低，可是，也沒用。大陸是八十二禁，美日韓影片照樣通行無阻，觀眾群比整個地面市場還要龐大。

最慘的受害者，只是香港院線。老師大量離職，總有剩下來的擔起教育任務，電檢員有什麼使命可言？都是公務員來當這危險的苦差，為自己安全起見，只好犧牲大家娛樂，最後，只剩下符合大陸廣電總局那把尺的電影能正式公映，戲院只有死光光，畢竟香港觀眾看不慣大陸片與合拍片，畢竟走進戲院的觀眾已經越來越少，畢竟，馬逢國代表娛樂文化界發聲，也只是說精神上支持這條新例，即係，身體很誠實，以後在網上看《波斯密語》好了，當然，馬逢國之流對這種電影是無感的。

當年今日